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Marc Tucker's "Dear Hillary" Letter

Marc Tucker is president of the National Center on Education and the Economy (NCEE).  He wrote an 18-page letter, now famous as Marc Tucker's "Dear Hillary" Letter, to Hillary Clinton a week after the Clintons were first elected President. At the time Hillary served with Tucker on the Board of NCEE, they were (and remain) comrades. The letter lays out the master plan of the Clinton Administration to take over the entire U.S. educational system so that it can serve national economic planning of the workforce.  The letter makes it clear that Hillary participated in the development of that plan some time before the election, though it was scarcely reported at the time.  The plan is sweeping in scope, and largely signed into law in 1994 by Clinton's Democratically controlled Congress (in the Goals 2000 Act, the School-to-Work Act, and the reauthorized Elementary and Secondary Education Act). That legislation continues to move our system today, and is being implemented in all fifty states, driven by money and mandates from the federal level. 

The letter reveals the goals and methods, the who, how, and why. The infamous letter was placed into the Congressional Record (on Sept. 25, 1998, by Rep. Bob Schaffer), and is now widely displayed on the Internet. 

The "Dear Hillary" letter lays out a plan "to remold the entire American [school] system" into "a seamless web that literally extends from cradle to grave and is the same system for everyone," coordinated by "a system of labor market boards at the local, state and federal levels" where curriculum and "job matching" will be handled by counselors "accessing the integrated computer-based program." The plan would change the mission of the schools away from teaching children academic basics and knowledge so they can make their own life choices, and toward training them narrowly in specific job skills to serve the global economy in jobs selected by workforce boards.

Highlights of the Letter -

A complete, radical, re-structuring of the American system:
The letter repeatedly states its large-scale, sweeping goals to completely overhaul the system:

The new system is for everyone - it is inescapable:
The new system "literally extends from cradle to grave and is the same system for everyone".  Repeatedly it says the system is "for everyone," "it is no longer a system for just the poor and unskilled." It is a "seamless system".  Three times calling it a "seamless web", which we view as a spider's web of government control, and about as desirable as a straight jacket -- one size fits all, no escape. 

To be implemented quickly:
The letter repeatedly emphasizes to move quickly, and "move like lightning" in implementing its agenda. "major parts of the whole system would be in operation in a majority of the states within three years from the passage of the initial legislation." This has in fact happened. 

Government controlled:
Some of the flowery goals don't sound bad, until you remember it is all government controlled. You don't define those flowery goals or how they are met, the government does, and its views are different from your own. The government inevitably defines things for its convenience, not yours.  Under this system you become a "human resource" to be developed for specific jobs.  That kind of education is not the kind that will keep a nation free.  To remember this, after every sentence in the Letter say the words "as defined by distant, centralized bureaucrats." For example, the new system "rewards students who meet the national standards with further education and good jobs" and that seems okay, until you remember the government decides who is rewarded and how.  That is very different from the traditional kind of free-market rewards you are familiar with. 

All education is moved to vocational, job-skills training:
The letter repeatedly aims to turn our entire educational system (including college-level education) into "apprenticeships" or programs that build job "skills".  It requires colleges to include an abundance of "work-site" and "on-the-job" training in any program.  In other words, the entire education system is to emphasize, not academics and broad-based knowledge, but narrowly defined vocational job-skills, "defined in part by the employers" and in part by government.  Families and students have little or no say.  The Letter also recognizes that such apprenticeship programs are adamantly opposed by unions and parents.  So the letter suggests how to conceal the fact that education would largely become an apprenticeship or jobs-training program:

"The proposal reframes the Clinton apprenticeship proposal as a college program and establishes a mechanism for setting the standards for the program. The unions are adamantly opposed to broad based apprenticeship programs by that name. Focus groups conducted by JFF and others show that parents everywhere want their kids to go to college, not be shunted aside into a non-college apprenticeship "vocational" program. By requiring these programs to be a combination of classroom instruction and structured OJT, and creating a standard-setting board that included employers and labor, all the objectives of the apprenticeship idea are achieved, while at the same time assuring much broader support for the idea,"

It reaches deep into every classroom:
Most everything in the classroom is substantially controlled by the new system, including "curriculum, pedagogy, examinations, and teacher education and licensure systems"

It creates a sweeping new entitlement:
It will provide school/financial/labor counselors to anyone for finding schools, funding, and employment.  It would "guarantee one free year of college education to everyone" who meets the minimal standards set at the national level, and "for most postsecondary students, college will be free". Along with this huge new entitlement there will inevitably be new and higher taxes. 

It proposes a new hidden tax:
The Letter proposes to take your education money (from 1.5% to 2% of your salary) before you ever see it, by taking it from your employer.  This makes for a hidden tax, largely hidden from voters, and therefore far less likely to incur voter's wrath.  Voters would be tempted to think they're getting something for free.  Moreover, the letter proposes to conceal the tax further by contriving to make it look voluntary.  Here is how:

"Everything we have heard indicates virtually universal opposition in the employer community to the proposal for a 1 1/2% levy on employers for training to support the costs associated with employed workers gaining these skills, whatever the levy is called. We propose that Bill [Clinton] take a leaf out of the German book. One of the most important reasons that large German employers offer apprenticeship slots to German youngsters is that they fear, with good reason, that if they don't volunteer to do so, the law will require it. Bill could gather a group of leading executives and business organization leaders, and tell them straight out that he will hold back on submitting legislation to require a training levy, provided that they commit themselves to a drive to get employers to get their average expenditures on front-line employee training up to 2% of front-line employee salaries and wages within two years. If they have not done so within that time, then he will expect their support when he submits legislation requiring the training levy. He could do the same thing with respect to slots for structured on-the-job training."

Carrots and sticks:
The Letter admits:

"Creating such a system means sweeping aside countless programs, building new ones, combining funding authorities, changing deeply embedded institutional structures and so on. .... Trying to ram it down everyone's throat would engender overwhelming opposition."

So the letter proposes to use bribery, and that requires an expansion of federal power. 

It expands the executive branch:
It authorizes the executive branch to bypass Congress and award "grants", in other words, bribes, "on the order of $20 million per year to each state".  In addition, the executive branch would have free-wheeling power to bypass any uncooperative state and local governments, and fund directly to local agencies: 

"A number of organizations would be funded. .... Some of the funds for this function should be provided directly to the states and cities, some to the technical assistance agency."

Highly centralized control:
The proposal "is interwoven with a new approach to governing".  That approach involves pushing power away from students, families, and communities, and toward highly centralized authorities.

"we propose that a new agency be created, the National Institute for Learning, Work and Service. .... The staff would be small, high powered and able to move quickly"

Authorities insulated from voters wrath:
The controlling authorities are thoroughly insulated from voters wrath.  This occurs because the system is highly centralized, and such entities are difficult for voters to affect.  Further insulation occurs because the officials are not elected, they are appointed.  Even further insulation occurs because the controlling officials are insulated even from the oversight of Congress and the executive branch.  In other words, these officials are setup as tyrants.  The system is designed to be thoroughly insulated from voters wrath:

"Create National Board for Professional and Technical Standards. Board is private ....  Neither Congress nor the executive branch can dictate the standards set by the Board."

Make sure no one commits to the details:
As discussed above, the Letter admits the new system can only arise through "radical" change, and also suggests ways to insulate the controlling officials from voters.  In a stunning bit of deception, the Letter suggests how to conceal the system long enough for it to be established:

"One would want to make sure that the specific actions of the new administration were designed, in a general way, to advance this agenda as it evolved, while not committing anyone to the details, which would change over time." 

That strategy — of "not committing anyone to the details" — has strongly affected the situation here in Minnesota.  Disputes about the structure and details of our new Minnesota education system frequently occur, even among close observers. When that occurs, our Department of Education (now renamed as the Dept. of Children, Families, and Learning, or DCFL) issues denials and claims (wrongly) that it's opponents are misinformed. This is exacerbated by recent moves to empower the DCFL Commissioner with free-wheeling powers to change the regulations and rules spontaneously at will - thus bypassing any Legislative responsibility, allowing the confusion to thrive, and throwing opponents into the dark. This is not how government should operate. 

It takes over public service:
It proposes that education loans "can be forgiven for public service".  But the government, not you, would decide what is and isn't allowed as "public service."  This mechanism would allow the government, in effect, to direct non-paid workers toward (or away from) various entities, without it being accounted as government "spending".  Government money supposedly going for education loans, could get diverted in various ways toward other purposes, which are unaccounted.  This opens the door to various types of government corruption.  For example, the government could reward (or punish) certain employers by sending  non-paid "public service" workers toward (or away). 

Moreover, across the country "public service" is now being mis-used in another way.  Students are being required to perform compulsory "public service" in order to get a diploma. For an example, see our news item on compulsory volunteerism.

This ambition to federally takeover and define what is, and isn't, public service, is hinted in the name of the proposed new agency: "we propose that a new agency be created, the National Institute for Learning, Work and Service."

It abandons most students: 
The Letter makes a cryptic remark that must be explained.

The new system will "free up school professionals to make the key decisions about how to use all the available resources to bring students up to the standards." 

The system (even as it is implemented in Minnesota's "Profile of Learning") requires that students spend most of their time working on menial tasks and projects by themselves or in small groups.  This heavy emphasis on tasks and projects (and de-emphasis of traditional classroom instruction) has two purposes.  First, it emphasizes job-skills, (at the expense of a traditional broad-based academic education).  Second, it will "free up" teachers so they may spend their time on the worst students - those who are most unruly, dis-interested, or unable. The system is setup to compel teachers toward this peculiar end.  The result is that students who are average, or better than average, are largely abandoned to the tasks, projects, and self-learning.  This is the reality contained within the above remark. 

It gathers personal information on students:
Institutions receiving funds under this system "are required to provide information" on student's "backgrounds and characteristics, and career outcomes"  As this system has materialized in Minnesota (where it known partly by the name "Profile of Learning") it has become rather invasive into family privacy. (See our article, Public collection of private data on students.

New constraints on businesses:
The Letter says, "All available front-line jobs - whether public or private - must be listed in [the government run employment system] by law."  But if the new job-listing system is so good, why should there be a law requiring all businesses to use it?  At the least, this requirement creates needless paperwork for employers.  At the worst it suggests further (unspecified) government coercion on employers. (Also see our article, on how School-to-Work creates liability for businesses.)

Note:
Marc Tucker's protιgι, Pat Harvey, is now the Superintendant of Schools in Saint Paul, and pushing the radical agenda of the NCEE here in Minnesota. (See our update:  Marc Tucker Curriculum forced on St. Paul Schools)

An outside article from Crisis Magazine offers further insight into Marc Tucker, the NCEE, and it's financial dealings with Hillary Clinton and the Rose Law Firm in Arkansas.  The link is offered for your exploration.  If we obtain further insight and corroboration it will be posted here. 

Below is the infamous Letter, exactly as it appears in the Congressional Record, complete with page numbers. All bolding and italics are from the original. Only red highlighting is added to draw your attention to key items. 

 
NATIONAL
CENTER
ON
EDUCATION
AND THE
ECONOMY 

BOARD OF TRUSTEES

 MARIO M. CUOMO
Honorary Chair

JOHN SCULLEY
Chair

JAMES B. HUNT, JR.
Vice Chair

R. CARLOS CARBALLADA
Treasurer

ANTHONY CARNEVALE
SARAH H. CLEVELAND
HILLARY R. CLINTON
THOMAS W. COLE, JR.
VANBUREN N. HANSFORD, JR.
LOUIS HARRIS
BARBARA R. HATTON
GUILBERT C. HENTSCHKE
VERA KATZ
ARTURO MADRID
IRA C. MAGAZINER
SHIRLEY M. MALCOM
RAY MARSHALL
RICHARD P. MILLS
PHILIP H. POWER
LAUREN B. RESNICK
MANUEL J. RIVERA
DAVID ROCKEFELLER, JR.
MARC S. TUCKER
ADAM URBANSKI
KAY R. WHITMORE 

MARC S. TUCKER
President


MAIN OFFICE:
SUITE 500
39 STATE STREET
ROCHESTER, NY 14614 

716-546-7620
FAX: 716-546-3145 

WASHINGTON OFFICE:
SUITE 1020
1341 G STREET, NW
WASHINGTON, DC 20005 

202-783-3666
FAX: 202-783-3672 

11 November 1992 

Hillary Clinton
The Governor's Mansion
1800 Canter Street
Little Rock, AR 72206 

Dear Hillary: 

I still cannot believe you won. But utter delight that you did pervades all the circles in which I move. I met last Wednesday in David Rockefeller's office with him, John Sculley, Dave Barram and David Haselkorn. It was a great celebration. Both John and David R. were more expansive than I have ever seen them — literally radiating happiness. My own view and theirs is that this country has seized its last chance. I am fond of quoting Winston Churchill to the effect that "America always does the right thing — after it has exhausted all the alternatives." This election, more than anything else in my experience, proves his point. 

The subject we were discussing was what you and Bill should do now about education, training and labor market policy. Following that meeting, I chaired another in Washington on the same topic. Those present at the second meeting included Tim Barnicle, Dave Barram, Mike Cohen, David Hornbeck, Hilary Pennington, Andy Plattner, Lauren Resnick, Betsy Brown Ruzzi, Bob Schwartz, Mike Smith and Bill Spring. Shirley Malcom, Ray Marshall and Susan McGuire were also invited. Though these three were not able to be present at last week's meeting, they have all contributed by telephone to the ideas that follow. Ira Magaziner was also invited to this meeting. 

Our purpose in these meetings was to propose concrete actions that the Clinton administration could take — between now and the inauguration, in the first 100 days and beyond. The result, from where I sit, was really exciting. We took a very large leap forward in terms of how to advance the agenda on which you and we have all been working — a practical plan for putting all the major components of the system in place within four years, by the time Bill has to run again. 

I take personal responsibility for what follows. Though I believe everyone involved in the planning effort is in broad agreement, they may not all agree on the details. You should also be aware that, although the plan comes from a group closely associated with the National Center on Education and the Economy, there was no practical way to poll our whole Board on this plan in the time available. It represents, then, not a proposal from our Center, but the best thinking of the group I have named. 

We think the great opportunity you have is to remold the entire American system for human resources development, almost all of the current components of which were put in place before World War II. The danger is that each of the ideas that Bill advanced in the campaign in the area of education and training could be translated individually in the ordinary course of governing into a legislative proposal and enacted as a program. This is the plan of least resistance. But it will lead to these programs being grafted onto the present system, not to a new system, and the opportunity will have been lost. If this sense of time and place is correct, it is essential that the administration's efforts be guided by a consistent vision of what it wants to accomplish in the field of human resource development, with respect both to choice of key officials and the program. 

What follows comes in three places: 

First, a vision of the kind of national — not federal — human resources development system the nation could have. This is interwoven with a new approach to governing that should inform that vision. What is essential is that we create a seamless web of opportunities, to develop one's skills that literally extends from cradle to grave and is the same system for everyone — young and old, poor and rich, worker and full-time student. It needs to be a system driven by client needs (not agency regulations or the needs of the organization providing the services), guided by clear standards that define the stages of the system for the people who progress through it, and regulated on the basis of outcomes that providers produce for their clients, not inputs into the system. 

Second, a proposed legislative agenda you can use to implement this vision. We propose four high priority packages that will enable you to move quickly on the campaign promises: 

[Page: E1820]  
  1. The first would use your proposal for an apprenticeship system as the keystone of a strategy for putting a whole new postsecondary training system in place. That system would incorporate your proposal for reforming postsecondary education finance. It contains what we think is a powerful idea for rolling out and scaling up the whole new human resources system nationwide over the next four years, using the (renamed) apprenticeship ideas as the entering wedge. 
  2. The second would combine initiatives on dislocated workers, a rebuilt employment service and a new system of labor market boards to offer the Clinton administration's employment security program, built on the best practices anywhere in the world. This is the backbone of a system for assuring adult workers in our society that they need never again watch with dismay as their jobs disappear and their chances of ever getting a good job again go with them. 
  3. The third would concentrate on the overwhelming problems of our inner cities, combining elements of the first and second packages into a special program to greatly raise the work-related skills of the people trapped in the core of our great cities. 
  4. The fourth would enable you to take advantage of legislation on which Congress has already been working to advance the elementary and secondary reform agenda. 

The other major proposal we offer has to do with government organization for the human resources agenda. While we share your reservations about the hazards involved in bringing reorganization proposals to the Congress, we believe that the one we have come up with minimizes those drawbacks while creating an opportunity for the new administration to move like lightning to implement its human resources development proposals. We hope you can consider the merits of this idea quickly, because, if you decide to go with it or something like it, it will greatly affect the nature of the offers you make to prospective cabinet members.

The Vision

We take the proposals Bill put before the country in the campaign to be utterly consistent with the ideas advanced in America's Choice, the school restructuring agenda first stated in A Nation Prepared, and later incorporated in the work of the National Alliance for Restructuring Education, and the elaboration of this view that Ray and I tried to capture in our book, Thinking for a Living. Taken together, we think these ideas constitute a consistent vision for a new human resources development system for the United States. I have tried to capture the essence of that vision below.

An Economic Strategy Based on Skill Development

The Schools

Postsecondary Education and Work Skills

(This idea of post-secondary professional and technical certificates captures all of the essentials of the apprenticeship idea, while offering none of its drawbacks (see below). But it also makes it clear that those engaged in apprentice-style programs are getting more than narrow training; they are continuing their education for other purposes as well, and building a base for more education later. Clearly, this idea redefines college. Proprietary schools, employers and community-based organizations will want to offer these programs, as well as community colleges and four-year institutions, but these new entrants will have to be accredited if they are to qualify to offer the programs.) 

[Page: E1821]  Education and Training for Employed and Unemployed Adults  

Labor Market Systems

Some Common Features

This vision, as I pointed out above, is consistent with everything Bill proposed as a candidate. But it goes beyond those proposals, extending them from ideas for new programs to a comprehensive vision of how they can be used as building blocks for a whole new system. But this vision is very complex, will take a long time to sell, and will have to be revised many times along the way. The right way to think about it is as an internal working document that forms the background for a plan, not the plan itself. One would want to make sure that the specific actions of the new administration were designed, in a general way, to advance this agenda as it evolved, while not committing anyone to the details, which would change over time. 

Everything that follows is cast in the frame of strategies for bringing the new system into being, not as a pilot program, not as a few demonstrations to be swept aside in another administration, but everywhere, as the new way of doing business. 

In the sections that follow, we break these goals down into their main components and propose an action plan for each. 

[Page: E1822] Major Components of the Program 

The preceding section presented a vision of the system we have in mind chronologically from the point of view of an individual served by it. Here we reverse the order, starting with descriptions of program components designed to serve adults, and working our way down to the very young.  HIGH SKILLS FOR ECONOMIC COMPETITIVENESS PROGRAM Developing System Standards

Legislation creating the Board is sent to the Congress in the first six months of the administration, imposing a deadline for creating the standards and the exams within three years of passage of the legislation. 

Commentary:

The proposal reframes the Clinton apprenticeship proposal as a college program and establishes a mechanism for setting the standards for the program. The unions are adamantly opposed to broad based apprenticeship programs by that name. Focus groups conducted by JFF and others show that parents everywhere want their kids to go to college, not to be shunted aside into a non-college apprenticeship "vocational" program. By requiring these programs to be a combination of classroom instruction and structured OJT, and creating a standard-setting board that includes employers and labor, all the objectives of the apprenticeship idea are achieved, while at the same time assuring much broader support for the idea, as well as a guarantee that the program will not become too narrowly focussed on particular occupations. It also ties the Clinton apprenticeship idea to the Clinton college funding proposal in a seamless web. Charging the Board with creating not more than 20 certificate or degree categories establishes a balance between the need to create one national system on the one hand with the need to avoid creating a cumbersome and rigid national bureaucracy on the other. This approach provides lots of latitude for individual industry groups, professional groups and state authorities to establish their own standards, while at the same time avoiding the chaos that would surely occur if they were the only source of standards. The bill establishing the Board should also authorize the executive branch to make grants to industry groups, professional societies, occupational groups and states to develop standards and exams. Our assumption is that the system we are proposing will be managed so as to encourage the states to combine the last two years of high school and the first two years of community college into three year programs leading to college degrees and certificates. Proprietary institutions, employers and community-based organizations could also offer these programs, but they would have to be accredited to offer these college-level programs. Eventually, students getting their general education certificates might go directly to community college or to another form of college, but the new system should not require that.

Collaborative Design and Development Program

The object is to create a single comprehensive system for professional and technical education that meets the requirements of everyone from high school students to skilled dislocated workers, from the hard core unemployed to employed adults who want to improve their prospects. Creating such a system means sweeping aside countless programs, building new ones, combining funding authorities, changing deeply embedded institutional structures, and so on. The question is how to get from where we are to where we want to be. Trying to ram it down everyone's throat would engender overwhelming opposition. Our idea is to draft legislation that would offer an opportunity for those states — and selected large cities — that are excited about this set of ideas to come forward and join with each other and with the federal government in an alliance to do the necessary design work and actually deliver the needed services on a fast track. The legislation would require the executive branch to establish a competitive grant program for these states and cities and to engage a group of organizations to offer technical assistance to the expanding set of states and cities engaged in designing and implementing the new system. This is not the usual large scale experiment, nor is it a demonstration program. A highly regarded precedent exists for this approach in the National Science Foundation's SSI program. As soon as the first set of states is engaged, another set would be invited to participate, until most or all the states are involved. It is a collaborative design, rollout and scale-up program. It is intended to parallel the work of the National Board for College Professional and Technical Standards, so that the states and cities (and all their partners) would be able to implement the new standards as soon as they become available, although they would be delivering services on a large scale before that happened. Thus, major parts of the whole system would be in operation in a majority of the states within three years from the passage of the initial legislation. Inclusion of selected large cities in this design is not an afterthought. We believe that what we are proposing here for the cities is the necessary complement to a large scale job-creation program for the cities. Skill development will not work if there are no jobs, but job development will not work without a determined effort to improve the skills of city residents. This is the skill development component. Participants 

Dislocated Workers Program

Levy-Grant System

College Loan/Public Service Program

Assistance for Dropouts are the Long-Term Unemployed

Commentary:

As you know very well, the High Skills, Competitive Workforce Act sponsored by Senators Kennedy and Hatfield and Congressmen Gephardt and Regula provides a ready-made vehicle for advancing many of the ideas we have outlined. To foster a good working relationship with the Congress, we suggest that, to the extent possible, the framework of these companion bills be used to frame the President's proposals. You may not know that we have put together a large group of representatives of Washington-based organizations to come to a consensus around the ideas in America's Choice. They are full of energy and very committed to this joint effort. If they are made part of the process of framing the legislative proposals, they can be expected to be strong support for them when they arrive on the Hill. As you think about the assembly of these ideas into specific legislative proposals, you may also want to take into account the packaging ideas that come later in this letter.

ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY EDUCATION PROGRAM The situation with respect to elementary and secondary education is very different from adult education and training. In the latter case, a new vision and a whole new structure is required. In the former, there is increasing acceptance of a new vision and structure among the public at large, within the relevant professional groups and in Congress. There is also a lot of existing activity on which to build. So we confine ourselves here to describing some of those activities that can be used to launch the Clinton education program.

Standard Setting

Legislation to accelerate the process of national standard setting in education was contained in the conference report on S.2 and HR 4323 that was defeated on a recent cloture vote. Solid majorities were behind the legislation in both houses of Congress. While some of us would quarrel with a few of the details, we think the new administration should support the early reintroduction of this legislation with whatever changes it thinks fit. This legislation does not establish a national body to create a national examination system. We think that is the right choice for now.

[Page: E1824]  

Systemic Chance in Public Education

The conference report on S.2 and HR 4323 also contained a comprehensive program to support systemic change in public education. Here again, some of us would quibble with some of the particulars, but we believe that the administration's objectives would be well served by endorsing the resubmission of this legislation, modified as it sees fit.

Federal Programs for the Disadvantaged

The established federal education programs for the disadvantaged need to be thoroughly overhauled to reflect an emphasis on results for the students rather than compliance with the regulations. A national commission on Chapter 1, the largest of these programs, chaired by David Hornbeck, has designed a radically new version of this legislation, with the active participation of many of the advocacy groups. Other groups have been similarly engaged. We think the new administration should quickly endorse the work of the national commission and introduce its proposals early next year. It is unlikely that this legislation will pass before the deadline — two years away — for the reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, but early endorsement of this new approach by the administration will send a strong signal to the Congress and will greatly affect the climate in which other parts of the act will be considered.

Public Choice Technology, Integrated Health and Human Services, Curriculum Resources, High Performance Management, Professional Development and Research and Development

The restructuring of the schools that is envisioned in S.2 and HR 4323 is not likely to succeed unless the schools have a lot of information about how to do it and real assistance in getting it done. The areas in which this help is needed are suggested by the heading of this section. One of the most cost-effective things the federal government could do is to provide support for research, development and technical assistance of the schools on these topics. The new Secretary of Education should be directed to propose a strategy for doing just that, on a scale sufficient to the need. Existing programs of research, development and assistance should be examined as possible sources of funds for these purposes. Professional development is a special case. To build the restructured system will require an enormous amount of professional development and the time in which professionals can take advantage of such a resource. Both cost a lot of money. One of the priorities for the new education secretary should be the development of strategies for dealing with these problems. But here, as elsewhere, there are some existing programs in the Department of Education whose funds can be redirected for this purpose, programs that are not currently informed by the goals that we have spelled out. Much of what we have in mind here can be accomplished through the reauthorization of the Office of Educational Research and Improvement. Legislation for that reauthorization was prepared for the last session of Congress, but did not pass. That legislation was informed by a deep distrust of the Republican administration, rather than the vision put forward by the Clinton campaign, but that can and should be remedied on the next round.

Early Childhood Education

The president-elect has committed himself to a great expansion in the funding of Head Start. We agree. But the design of the program should be changed to reflect several important requirements. The quality of professional preparation for the people who staff these programs is very low and there are no standards that apply to their employment. The same kind of standard setting we have called for in the rest of this plan should inform the approach to this program. Early childhood education should be combined with quality day care to provide wrap-around programs that enable working parents to drop off their children at the beginning of the workday and pick them up at the end. Full funding for the very poor should be combined with matching funds to extend the tuition paid by middle class parents to make sure that these programs are not officially segregated by income. The growth of the program should be phased in, rather than done all at once, so that quality problems can be addressed along the way, based on developing examples of best practice. These and other related issues need to be addressed, in our judgment, before the new administration commits itself on the specific form of increased support for Head Start.

Putting the package together:

Here we remind you of what we said at the beginning of this letter about timing the legislative agenda. We propose that you assemble the ideas just described into four high priority packages that will enable you to move quickly on the campaign promises: 

  1. The first would use your proposal for an apprenticeship system as the keystone of the strategy for putting the whole new postsecondary training system in place. It would consist of the proposal for postsecondary standards, the Collaborative Design and Development proposal, the technical assistance proposal and the postsecondary education finance proposal. 
  2. The second would combine the initiatives on dislocated workers, the rebuilt employment service and the new system of labor market boards as the Clinton administration's employment security program, built on the best practices anywhere in the world. This is the backbone of a system for assuring adult workers in our society that they need never again watch with dismay as their jobs disappear and their chances of ever getting a good job again go with them. 
  3. The third would concentrate on the overwhelming problems of our inner cities, combining most of the elements of the first and second packages into a special program to greatly raise the work-related skills of the people trapped in the core of our great cities.
  4. The fourth would enable you to take advantage of legislation on which Congress has already been working to advance the elementary and secondary reform agenda. It would combine the successor to HR 4323 and S.2 (incorporating the systemic reforms agenda and the board for student performance standards), with the proposal for revamping Chapter 1. 

 

Organizing the Executive Branch for Human Resouces Development

The issue here is how to organize the federal government to make sure that the new system is actually built as a seamless web in the field, where it counts, and that program gets a fast start with a first-rate team behind it. 

We propose, first, that the President appoint a National Council on Human Resources Development. It would consist of the relevant key White House officials, cabinet members and members of Congress. It would also include a small number of governors, educators, business executives, labor leaders and advocates for minorities and the poor. It would be established in such a way as to assure continuity of membership across administrations, so that the consensus it forges will outlast any one administration. It would be charged with recommending broad policy on a national system of human resources development to the President and the Congress, assessing the effectiveness and promise of current programs and proposing new ones. It would be staffed by senior officials on the Domestic Policy Council staff of the President. 

Second, we propose that a new agency be created, the National Institute for Learning, Work and Service. Creation of this agency would signal instantly the new administration's commitment to putting the continuing education and training of the `forgotten half' on a par with the preparation of those who have historically been given the resources to go to 'college,' and to integrate the two systems, not with a view to dragging down the present system and those it serves, but rather to make good on the promise that everyone will have access to the kind of education that only a small minority have had access to up to now. To this agency would be assigned the functions now performed by the assistant secretary for employment and training, the assistant secretary for vocational education and the assistant secretary for higher education. The agency would be staffed by people specifically recruited from all over the country for the purpose. The staff would be small, high powered and able to move quickly to implement the policy initiatives of the new President in the field of human resources development. 

The closest existing model to what we have in mind is the National Science Board and the National Science Foundation, with the Council in the place of the Board and the Institute in the place of the Foundation. But our council would be advisory, whereas the Board is governing. If you do not like the idea of a permanent Council, you might consider the idea of a temporary President's Task Force, constituted much as the Council would be. 

In this scheme, the Department of Education would be free to focus on putting the new student performance standards in place and managing the programs that will take the leadership in the national restructuring of the schools. Much of the financing and disbursement functions of the higher education program would move to the Treasury Department, leaving the higher education staff in the new Institute to focus on matters of substance. 

In any case, as you can see, we believe that some extraordinary measure well short of actually merging the departments of labor and education is required to move the new agenda with dispatch. 
 

Getting Consensus on the Vision

Radical changes in attitudes, values and beliefs are required to move any combination of these agendas. The federal government will have little direct leverage on many of the actors involved. For much of what must be done, a new, broad consensus will be required. What role can the new administration play in forging that consensus and how should it go about doing it? 

At the narrowest level, the agenda cannot be moved unless there is agreement among the governors, the President and the Congress. Bill's role at the Charlottesville summit leads naturally to a reconvening of that group, perhaps with the addition of key members of Congress and others. 

But we think that having an early summit on the subject of the whole human resources agenda would be risky, for many reasons. Better to build on Bill's enormous success during the campaign with national talk shows, in school gymnasiums and the bus trips. He could start on the consensus-building progress this way, taking his message directly to the public, while submitting his legislative agenda and working it on the Hill. After six months or so, when the public has warmed to the ideas and the legislative packages are about to get into hearings, then you might consider some form of summit, broadened to include not only the governors, but also key members of Congress and others whose support and influence are important. This way, Bill can be sure that the agenda is his, and he can go into it with a groundswell of support behind him. 

•     •     •

That's it. None of us doubt that you have thought long and hard about many of these things and have probably gone way beyond what we have laid out in many areas. But we hope that there is something here that you can use. We would, of course, be very happy to flesh out these ideas at greater length and work with anyone you choose to make them fit the work that you have been doing. 

Very best wishes from all of us to you and Bill. 
 

[signed: Marc] 
 

Marc Tucker 

END