Following is testimony that was given on federal HR1 in the U.S. House
of Representatives before the final vote was taken. The disastrous HR1
passed the House with 45 dissenting vote. Most of the dissenters were from
the President's own party. The Senate version of the Education bill is S1.
Amendments to S1 are scheduled to begin in the Senate sometime this week.
Mr. Chairman, I want to make it clear at the beginning of my remarks
that I strongly support our President. I think he is doing a great job.
I strongly support the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. BOEHNER), our committee
chairman. I think he has done a great job in a very difficult situation.
But I rise to oppose this education bill, Goals 2001.
I remember as a kid, I heard President Nixon say we are all
Keynesians now. Right now I kind of feel like what we are saying is we
are all liberals now in education. The fact is, in this Goals 2001, this
current bill, unlike Goals 2000 where we were supposed to have the
States evolve towards a national plan, we have a national plan.
Unlike the spending in education under former President Clinton, this
bill spends more. Unlike the education bills under President Clinton
where there was a proposal to just develop and look at a national test,
this has national testing; and it has it for 6 years in a row, mandated
by a backup of the Federal Government that, if one's State test does not
meet the national standards, one can have one's money jerked.
Furthermore, it will lead to, in my belief, a national curriculum.
There are more new programs in this bill than there were under President
Clinton. At some point, one says when is it a bipartisan bill and when
is it just taking two-thirds or more of what the Democrats had proposed
in the past?
Now, there are some amendments here that could change the bill. The
amendment of the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. HOEKSTRA) would wipe out
the testing and put us back to where we were under President Clinton.
The amendment of the gentleman from California (Mr. COX) would have the
spending be only a little bit more than under President Clinton. The
bill of the gentleman from Texas (Mr. ARMEY) would take us back to where
we were as Republicans last year on school choice. The bill of the
gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. DEMINT) would take us, not quite back
to where we were last year, but at least to the Kennedy position in the
Senate.
I know there are not going to be very many conservatives who are
going to stand up under the pressures that we are under, and against the
polls, and oppose this bill. I do not know whether there will be five of
us, whether there will be 10 of us, or whether there are 20 of us; but
there are some of us who are going to say that there are still
Republicans who are conservative on the education issue, as on other
issues.
Mr. Chairman, thirty-six years ago Congress blatantly disregarded all
constitutional limitations on its power over K-12 education by passing
the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA). This act of massive
federal involvement in education was sold to the American people with
promises that federal bureaucrats had it within their power to usher in
a golden age of education. Yet, instead of the promised nirvana, federal
control over education contributed to a decline in education quality.
Congress has periodically responded to the American people's concerns
over education by embracing education ``reforms,'' which it promises are
the silver bullet to fixing American schools. ``Trust us,'' proponents
of new federal education programs say, we have learned from the mistakes
of the past and all we need are a few billion more dollars and some new
federal programs and we will produce the educational utopia in which
``all children are above average.'' Of course, those reforms only result
in increasing the education bureaucracy, reducing parental control,
increasing federal expenditures, continuing decline in education and an
inevitable round of new "reforms."
Congress is now considering whether to continue this cycle by passing
the national five-year plan contained in HR1 , the so-called "No
Child Left Behind Act.'' A better title for this bill is "No
Bureaucrat Left Behind'' because, even though its proponents claim HR1
restores power over education to states and local communities, this bill
represents a massive increase in federal control over education. HR1
contains the word "ensure'' 150 times, "require'' 477 times,
"shall'' 1,537 and "shall not'' 123 times. These words are
usually used to signify federal orders to states and localities. Only in
a town where a decrease in the rate of spending increases is considered
a cut could a bill laden with federal mandates be considered an increase
in local control!
HR1 increases federal control over education through increases in
education spending. Because "he who pays the piper calls the
tune,'' it is inevitable that increased federal expenditures on
education will increase federal control. However, Mr. Chairman, as much
as I object to the new federal expenditures in HR1, my biggest concern
is with the new mandate that states test children and compare the test
with a national normed test such as the National
Assessment of Education Progress (NAEP). While proponents of this
approach claim that the bill respects state autonomy as states can draw
up their own tests, these claims fail under close observation. First of
all, the very act of imposing a testing mandate on states is a violation
of states' and local communities' authority, protected by the 10th
Amendment to the United States Constitution, to control education free
from federal interference.
Some will claim that this does not violate states' control because
states are free to not accept federal funds. However, every member here
knows that it is the rare state administrator who will decline federal
funds to avoid compliance with federal mandates. It is time Congress
stopped trying to circumvent the constitutional limitations on its
authority by using the people's own money to bribe them into complying
with unconstitutional federal dictates.
Mr. Chairman, HR1 will lead to de facto, if not de jure,
national testing. States will inevitably fashion their test to match the
"nationally-normed'' test so as to relieve their students and
teachers of having to prepare for two different tests. Furthermore,
states will feel pressure from employers, colleges, and perhaps even
future Congresses to conform their standards with other national tests
"for the children's sake.'' After all, what state superintendent
wants his state's top students denied admission to the top colleges, or
the best jobs, or even student loans, because their state's test is
considered inferior to the "assessments'' used by the other 49
states?
National testing will inevitably lead to a national curriculum as
teachers will teach what their students need to know in order to pass
their mandated "assessment.'' After all, federal funding depends on
how students perform on these tests! Proponents of this approach dismiss
these concerns by saying "there is only one way to read and do
math.''
Well then what are the battles about phonics versus whole language or
new math versus old math about? There are continuing disputes about
teaching all subjects as well as how to measure mastery of a subject
matter. Once federal mandatory testing is in place however, those
arguments will be settled by the beliefs of whatever regime currently
holds sway in DC. Mr. Chairman, I would like my colleagues to consider
how comfortable they would feel supporting this bill if they knew that
in five years proponents of fuzzy math and whole language could be
writing the NAEP?
Proponents of HR1 justify the mandatory testing by claiming it holds
schools "accountable.'' Of course, everyone is in favor of holding
schools accountable but accountable to whom? Under this bill, schools
remain accountable to federal bureaucrats and those who develop the
state tests upon which participating schools performance is judged.
Even under the much touted Straight "A''s proposal, schools
which fail to live up to their bureaucratically-determined
"performance goals" will lose the flexibility granted to them
under this act. Federal and state bureaucrats will determine if the
schools are to be allowed to participate in the Straight "A''s
programs and bureaucrats will judge whether the states are living up to
the standards set in the state's education plan--yet this is the only
part of the bill which even attempts to de-bureaucratize and
decentralize education!
Under the United States Constitution, the federal government has no
authority to hold states ``accountable'' for their education
performance. In the free society envisioned by the founders, schools are
held accountable to parents, not federal bureaucrats. However, the
current system of imposing oppressive taxes on America's families and
using those taxes to fund federal education programs denies parental
control of education by denying them control over their education
dollars.
As a constitutional means to provide parents with the means to hold
schools accountable, I have introduced the Family Education Freedom Act
(HR368). The Family Education Freedom Act restores parental control over
the classroom by providing American parents a tax credit of up to $3,000
for the expenses incurred in sending their child to private, public,
parochial, other religious school, or for home schooling their children.
The Family Education Freedom Act returns the fundamental principle of
a truly free economy to America's education system: what the great
economist Ludwig von Mises called "consumer sovereignty.'' Consumer
sovereignty simply means consumers decide who succeeds or fails in the
market. Businesses that best satisfy consumer demand will be the most
successful. Consumer sovereignty is the means by which the free society
maximizes human happiness.
When parents control the education dollar, schools must be responsive
to parental demands that their children receive first-class educations,
otherwise, parents will find alternative means to educate their
children. Furthermore, parents whose children are in public schools may
use their credit to improve their schools by purchasing of educational
tools such as computers or extracurricular activities such as music
programs. Parents of public school students may also wish to use the
credit to pay for special services for their children.
According to a recent Manhattan Institute study of the effects of
state policies promoting parental control over education, a minimal
increase in parental control boosts the average SAT verbal score by 21
points and the student's SAT math score by 22 points! The Manhattan
Institute study also found that increasing parental control of education
is the best way to improve student performance on the NAEP tests.
I have also introduced the Education Quality Tax Cut Act (HR369),
which provides a $3,000 tax deduction for contributions to K-12
education scholarships as well as for cash or in-kind donations to
private or public schools. The Education Quality Tax Cut Act will allow
concerned citizens to become actively involved in improving their local
public schools as well as help underprivileged children receive the type
of education necessary to help them reach their full potential. I ask my
colleagues: "Who is better suited to lead the education reform
effort: parents and other community leaders or DC-based bureaucrats and
politicians?''
If, after the experience of the past thirty years, you believe that
federal bureaucrats are better able to meet children's unique
educational needs than parents and communities, then vote for HR1 .
However, if you believe that the failures of the past shows expanding
federal control over the classroom is a recipe for leaving every child
behind, then do not settle for some limited state flexibility in the
context of a massive expansion of federal power: Reject HR1 and instead
help put education resources back into the hands of parents by
supporting my Family Education Freedom Act and Education Improvement Tax
Cut Act.